under a bornean moon

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Article by Henry Joplin Mosiun

The dusun people of the old Putatan had an obsession for big rocks. With their thick, tough and hardened soles of the feet, clambered up hills and braved the mountains into dangerous territories of hostile tribes while some sailed the ocean to islands in search of the best-looking boulder. The valley of Sugud was occupied by people from the eastern part of Sabah. By the end of the 18^th century, bands of indigenous people from the upper reaches of the Kinabatangan, Klagan-Labuk and Sugut rivers converge in Sugud.

Sugud was once called Malagavas. In a folk story relating to the founding of Sugud, began with Tovolok a man from Sugut in the north-eastern part of Sabah who travelled down to the west coast. Tovolok was entrusted with a buatan suluk (spear) that belonged to his bride-to-be’s father, the village chief. During a hunting expedition, he loses the spear while hunting for bakas (wild boar). Tovolok’s throw did not weakened the huge boar that eventually escaped with the chief’s buatan suluk stuck to its back. The chief was unhappy with Tovolok when he found out that he had lost his favourite hunting spear. Tovolok’s marriage to the chief’s daughter was hanging by a thread. Saddened, he went on a search to recover the lost buatan suluk and thus began his journey which brought him to Malagavas.

Sansaabon is the name given to a menhir that stands in the quaint valley of Sugud in Kampong Tindai. Tom Harrison recorded the name Libu as the person who erected sansaabon. The stone was acquired from Ulu Sugud which took 50 men and 5 days to transport and install it at its chosen site. It has never been fully understood why sansaabon was erected and has mystified even the locals. According to Sibius Kaahin, sansaabon was erected before the time of Datu Dulinggou Damidal.

Datu Dulinggou Damidal was born in 1820 more or less and passed away in 1927. Damidal was one of the dusun chieftains in Penampang to have been awarded the honorary title of Datu Delingga by the Sultanate of Brunei probably in the third quarter of the 19^th century after the famous Kulintangon Buis Revolt. Damidal was also said to have taken part in an oath taking ceremony between the dusun tribes of coastal areas and the interior to mark the end of the Misangod (Warring) period. The Popotingkod do Pisangadan (To end enmity) ceremony was called forth by Sogunting, a bobolian from Kampong Widu in Tambunan. The event might have taken place just before the North Borneo Chartered Company began its administration in 1881.

The Sugud valley was already occupied before Damidal’s family settled in the area. Sansaabon was likely installed in the first decade of the 19^th century. This occurred during the time of Datu Botulung and the Bangkaakon as Sibius Kaahin points out that only Datu Botulung could have known why sansaabon was erected.

Datu Botulung was an individual that possessed unnatural strength. Legend says he could leap over a longhouse and destroy a fortress single-handedly. The mad war monger, Datu Botulung led the bangkaakon horde to war where they fought the hill tribes and plundered villages in the interior and along the coast. Decapitated bodies were a common sight in the aftermath of a battle, and it was considered honourable to take the enemy’s head. The bangkaakon however quarrelled amongst themselves on who gets to keep the most heads and war booty.

Pius Kating, in his book “Alat-Alat Muzik Tradisional Sabah”, mentions how the bangkahak people (bangkaakon) used black magic to attack the tagaras (tagahas) of Kampong Mondolipau in Papar. A type of magical spell called kolulut is cast upon the targeted village. This magical spell manifests as a huge bugang bird that perches on the rooftop of the longhouse. Victims of this sorcery die from delirium.

The bangkaakon were actually groups of people from Kinabatangan who made a pact to set out from their original settlement in search of greener pasture elsewhere according to Sibius Kaahin. He recalls hearing the bangkaakon language which sounded similar to the dialects spoken in the Labuk and Kinabatangan areas. They were other tribes that lived alongside the bangkaakon in Sugud but their names had been forgotten such as the unknown tribe that lived at Ponontogon hill, a stretch of hill in between Maang and Sugud.

Riduan strongly believes those empty coffins at Batu Tulug belong to his ancestors. Riduan is an orang sungei from Kinabatangan whose mother is an orang sungei whilst father a hokkien chinese. Before indigenous people in Kinabatangan professed islam or embraced christianity, the ancient people in the area were called tulun tombonuo. The tulun tombonuo were big and tall people. Their lungun (coffin) are long and shaped like boats with intricate floral and animal designs and motifs. Long ago, many areas in Kinabatangan were submerged in water. The ancient tombonuo people buried their dead in holes dug out on steep limestone hill slopes. This was to prevent the corpse from getting wet and animals getting to it. Riduan’s funny description of the tulun tombonuo were people that ate anything and had no restrictions as opposed to muslims.

When the chinese came to Kinabatangan, they met the tombonuo people. The chinese who remained in Kinabatangan married the tombonuo. Union between the two produced the orang sungei. The language Riduan speak share many words with the dusun language. Many of these words are found in the vocabularies of the rungus, penampang kadazan and the mangkaak dusun.

Coincidentally, Limpai had a grandfather who was ‘keturunan cina’ (sino native) from Kinabatangan; as George Doivin of Kampong Terawi, a descendant of the former, recalls being told by village elders. Like Datu Damidal, Limpai was another venerable and influential person in the Putatan Sub-District who was conferred with the title Mantri Babu by the Sultan of Brunei. She played a pivotal role in the rebellion against the Sultanate of Brunei that led to its last leg at Kulintangon Hill, a hill near the present day Donggongon.

Tom Harrison was probably the first person to record the story of the bangkaakon. In “The Prehistory of Sabah”, the british polymath accounts the bangkaakan people that lived in a longhouse on a hill in Limbanak. The bangkaakan were under constant threat by the tagahas who were only interested in their heads rather than land. Harrison recorded the narratives from Malanggum in 1965 who stated the bangkaakan are the forefathers of the present Penampang kadazans.

A young Jitain Hoinsung went hunting with his father in the jungles of Kawang when they stumbled upon a grave mound of about 10 to 12ft in length. Jitain was told by his father that the extraordinary grave was the grave of Balajai, a bangkaakon. Balajai was described as a person who ventured and wandered across the land seeking knowledge.

Malanggum told Harrison that the bangkaakan were big people with an average height of 6 ft. Most bangkaakons grow 6 to 7 ft in height whilst some have reached 12 ft explains Sibius Kaahin which tallies with Jitain Hoinsung’s description. Could this be a case of Gigantism? Is this how we imagine our ancestors to be?

In the 1950s, they were some isolated small communities of bangkaak people living around Sugud and Kampong Maang area. At that point in time, the term bangkaakon carried a connotation of backward and primitive. It was during the tamu, some bangkaak people could be seen coming with their buffaloes to trade. The boys from villages around Donggongon poked fun at the backward bangkaak people. P.S. Shim, in “Inland People of Sabah, Before, During & After Nunuk Ragang” mentions of the enmity between the bangkaakon in Sugud and the tagahas in Labak, near Kinarut in Papar, lasted until 1923.

It was perhaps difficult for various dusun dayak factions of Putatan-Penampang to preserve their cultural uniqueness. The bangkaakon adopted the tangara and kadazan adat and customs since they lost their bobolian. The role of the bobolian is significantly important in the dusun society since they are specialists in rites and rituals as well as adept in the healing knowledge.

If not for the literary works of Tom Harrison and Shim Phyau Soon, the bangkaakon would have been completely forgotten. Folk stories are records of history and culture of people and can be preserve through oral traditions. There is a lack of documentation on styles and forms of indigenous storytelling. The emphasis on art and style of storytelling is equally important to the contents of a folk story. Some stories are conveyed and presented in song form take for example the Hibag, storytelling in the form of choral performance of the Tatana of Kuala Penyu. 

In the modern households in Penampang, the bangkaakon are demonised; children are told nightmarish tales of vampirical red-eyed bangkaak people that preyed on innocent little children. The bangkaakon are liken to supernatural beings such as the tindaabi and balan-balan.

In a tragic twist of fate, the mad war monger’s life ended a slow and excruciating death. Shrouded in an imaginably sinister atmosphere, Datu Botulung was tied to a timadang (tarap) tree while prayed over by 7 bobohizans; the villagers who have turned against him, took turns in stabbing, spearing and wounding him. He bled to death. The days of Datu Botulung came to an abrupt end.

The more you know of your history, the more liberated you are – Maya Angelou

Sources

Informants: Sibius Kaahin, Dousia Moujing, Jitain Hoinsung, George Doivin and Lau Tee Loi @ Mohd. Riduan.

Books & Articles

• Harrisson, T., & Harrisson, B. V. (1971). The prehistory of Sabah. Kota Kinabalu, Sabah: Sabah Society.
• Shim, P. S. (2007). Inland People of Sabah: Before, During & After Nunuk Ragang. Kota Kinabalu, Sabah: Borneo Cultural Heritage Publisher.
• Kating, P. J. (1996). Alat-Alat Muzik Tradisional Sabah, Warisan Budaya Kita Bersama. Kota Kinabalu, Sabah: KDI Publications Sdn. Bhd.
• Kulintangon Buis Revolt by N.C. Tan Pin Hing
• Datu Damidal the Last Penghulu of Sugud by Blasius Binjua
• Aki Tovolok by anonymous
• British North Borneo Herald

Article by Henry Joplin Mosiun

The late catechist Michael Staun is my uncle on my paternal grandfather’s side. In 2012, I visited him at his home in Kampong Babah, Penampang. He fondly remembers when he was just a small boy, how he was scolded for playing with the family gayang, a long single-edged sword decked with human hair at its hilt which was carved out of a deer’s antler. Its wooden scabbard was also adorned with human hair, Michael recalls. The family pusaka (heirlooms) consisted of war coats, a kohid (wooden shield), a gayang (a type of sword), an ilang (a type of sword), a sopuk (blowpipe), a tandus (spear) and about 20 over bangkavan (human skull) that hung from the ceiling of the house he stayed at Tomui in Kampong Ramayah. Other than earthen jars, it was a complete collection of dusun war paraphernalia. That was the 1930s. In fact, almost every home in Penampang at that time had their own private collection of skulls and dayak weaponries.

Michael Costony Staun was born in 1931. He recalls his grandfather Mojitu, who would ask him to go out and buy gula-gula (sweets) in the afternoons. Mojitu, also known as Bogitu, was a temperamental person. He is described by many who remembered him as hot-tempered. But he is best remembered for his physical attributes; a tall and burly man. The frightened kampong kids ran and hid in the bushes each time they saw Mojitu coming their way. It was unwise to cross paths with him they thought. One fine day, during a wedding at Ramayah, an intoxicated Mojitu hurries home to fetch his gayang. He returns to the house where the wedding was held and performed the war dance while wielding the gayang, to the beat of the botibas. Although he did not harm anyone, but he sure did rile up the guests.

While plowing his field one day, looking somewhat unhappy with his buffalo, he undoes the yoke on the animal. He proceeds on to lift it up by its legs,  then places the enormous weight on his shoulders and angrily strolled about the field with the beast moaning. To those that witnessed this feat, it was utter madness! In an unfortunate incident, Mojitu unleashed his rage upon an unsuspecting toigi (post) of a relative’s house, thus smashing it. The owners must have been devastated by Mojitu’s uncontrollable and violent anger. The toigi is usually made out of the hugu or the core of the billian tree. This bornean ironwood is an extremely hard and durable wood; and can last several numbers of years even exposed to the elements. It is not to the knowledge of the author of what could have motivated the untoward incident.

Mojitu was unbelievably strong, but by the late 1930s as Michael Staun recalls, Mojitu’s health deteriorated. He suddenly grew frail and eventually succumbed to his illness. He was probably in his late 50s or early 60s when he died. A *maginakan was to be held at Mojitu’s house if not for his untimely death as Michael laments. His house was next in line for the maginakan ceremony after Majinggah’s.

One evening while sitting at the verandah of a house in Kuai, opposite the Monsopiad Cultural Village sometime in 2005, Dousia Moujing is reminded of some events leading up to Mojitu’s death. A live pig was to be delivered from Kurai to Ramayah for the maginakan at Mojitu’s. The swine was for the purpose of bikin simpan antu (to house spirits) and probably to be cooked later. Unfortunately, this never materialized.

After Mojitu’s death, his family converted to Christianity. Most of the heirlooms were buried with him whilst some were taken by the catholic mission. To care for the skulls and jars was a heavy burden for Michael’s father, Staun to under take. That was the reason for its disposal said Michael who shared his view on the subject of keeping family heirloom. The family then moved to Tadau another area within Ramayah before moving to Limbanak to live with relatives.

Speaking on the subject of indigenous organizations in Penampang, the tangara and the kadazan are both one and the same people with the exception; their rites and inaits (incantations) bears some distinction to one another explains Dousia, who claims to be a tangara. The bangkaakon have since adopted the tangara and kadazan adat. According to Dousia, Mojitu was a descendant of the bangkaakon in Sugud. Dousia Moujing passed away in 2016 and was the guardian of Monsopiad’s 42 skull trophies.

Mojitu was born sometime between the 1870s and 1880s. He was born at the time when indigenous practices such as headhunting and slave sacrificing had been outlawed by the British North Borneo Chartered Company; and the Putatan-Penampang dusuns have made their peace with the hill dusuns on the Crocker Range and other interior tribes. Mojitu lived during the time of the Mat Salleh rebellion and had most probably seen Mat Salleh in person. Mat Salleh was said to have regularly visited a lake in Kampong Tombovo to meditate. He was said to have attracted and gathered dusun followers, mostly young men eager to learn the black arts and silat. Some of his followers were dusuns from Maang, Sugud and Ulu Papar. Mat Salleh also allegedly married a dusun girl from Kampong Nambazan. No, Mojitu had never embarked on any headhunting expedition but his father, grandfather and grandfather’s father lived through the Misangod Dandaman (rondom) era, a period of enmity and war between indigenous tribes.

Sources

Informants: Michael Staun, Dousia Moujing, Gulingan Mantagam, Clara Motuyang, Bernard John Bistan and Patricia Niun.

The British North Borneo Herald

Article by Henry Joplin Mosiun

About 16 km south-east of Kota Kinabalu, nestled away in the valley of Sugud, amongst paddy fields stands Sansaabon, one of the biggest menhir to ever been erected in Sabah. The dusun people of the old Putatan have had an unusual fetish for pampang or boulders. The district is even named Penampang and made its maiden appearance in the British North Borneo Herald in the early 20th century. Menhirs are erected for various reasons; memorializing, bravery testing, religious purpose, demarcation of land and territory, oath stone and grave markings.

There seem to be a correlation between menhirs and the worshipping of skulls. Curiously, in former times, newly acquired heads of enemies are held by chicken hatcheries or baskets shaped out of bamboos and placed next to a menhir to decompose which later are cleaned and smoked. During magang ceremonies, blood of fowls and pigs are poured over menhirs. Most menhirs or megaliths are given names such as Sansaabon, Gunsolong, Bolitus and Gayatas.

Based on a Bajau folk story from Kampong Peringatan in Putatan, a long time ago it was possible to find bajau villages as far as Patikar. When the Orang Nunok Ragang (dusuns) descended the Crocker Range onto the plains, bringing with them huge boulders, the stunned bajaus feared for their lives, fled their villages and returned to the coastlines. The bajaus retaliated, fought the dusuns, and for a long time both sides suffered. However, the 2 decided to end the bloodshed when a bajau lad fell in-love with a dusun girl. A menhir was erected at Buit Hill near Lok Bonuh in Putatan to mark the peace between the bajau and the dusun. The couple were then married.

My paternal grandfather spoke bajau  other than the dusun language, whilst the senior bajau folks in Putatan speak better dusun than the new generation of kadazan youths in Penampang. In the past, bajau gong makers and traders were also known to have traveled to the hilly Ulu Papar bringing gongs, copper and brass wares, salted fish and salt, while some traversed the whole Crocker Range to trade in Tambunan.

At Penampang, the word Tindalam refers to any type of sweet cakes or kuih in malay. The word is actually a corruption of the word Penjaram which refers to a type of cake made famous by the bajau and brunei communities. Easily found at the tamu, this traditional delicacy is best taken with Kopi O Kosong.

Informants: Ferix Ignatius

Sources:

• Phelan, P. R. (1997). Traditional Stone and Wood Monuments of Sabah. Kota Kinabalu, Sabah: Pusat Kajian Borneo.
• Harrisson, T., & Harrisson, B. V. (1971). The Prehistory of Sabah. Kota Kinabalu, Sabah: Sabah Society.

• Patikar – the former name of Kampong Potuki, Putatan
• Kota Kinabalu – capitol of the state of Sabah, Malaysia
• Kampong Peringatan & Buit Hill – villages under the jurisdiction of the district of Putatan
• Bajau – a native of Sabah with traditional villages located at river mouths e.g. Putatan, Petagas, and Papar
• Kopi O Kosong – Tenom coffee with no milk or sugar added
• Crocker Range – the mountain ranges between the west coast and the interior
• Orang Nunok Ragang – dusun people
• Ulu Papar – areas located at the headwaters of the Papar river on the Crocker Range e.g. Terian, Buayan and Kionop

Article by Henry Joplin Mosiun

I first heard of botibas from my father, who knew of it from his late father. An unfamiliar type of traditional gong music performed during gatherings in Kampong (Kg.) Maang in the 1970s, which was faster in tempo than the  popular magagung sumazau and the loud monotonous dunsai. In the 1960s, my mother had witnessed men performing kuntau, a form of martial art, to the botibas during a wedding held at her late grandfather Guntingan’s house in Kg. Kapayan near Kota Kinabalu. It was at one time common to see men dancing with rattan canes and wooden shields to gong music in Penampang.

But what is ‘Botibas’?

The word Botibas is derived from the root word tibas which means to hack or slash. Botibas is likely associated to headhunting and warfare. Headhunting or head-taking was once practiced in Sabah by dusuns and muruts, with the latter being the last to give up the practice. It is said that the botibas was created during the time of Monsopiad.  Monsopiad, a tangara, challenged and defeated the senior Gantang, a bangkaakon in a series of challenges. In one of those challenges, both men showed off their mikuntau skills at a badi (a native market) whilst accompanied by the botibas.

In former times, the botibas was performed as an accompaniment to war dances during rites and rituals connected to warfare and other religious ceremonies. Native weapons such as the gayang, ilang, tandus and kohid are brought into the performances of war dances, sham fights and the martial arts i.e. kuntau and batambul. Driven by the botibas’ strong percussive rhythm, vehement warriors go into trance-like states mimicking all the actions and stealth of a warrior engaged in battle. A sudden vigorous burst of the maniacal pangkis (war cry), the botibas signifies the preparation for battle. War rituals and rites are conducted by a specialist bobohizan whereby the whole act is an all-men affair; showcasing the grandiose of the pangazou. Amidst the procedurals, the fierce sounding botibas bids farewell to those on the war-path for they may not return.

It is believed that the botibas facilitates the invoking of the gimbaran spirits, violent spirit entities that endows the practitioner of the black arts with unnatural strength. In some war dances, warriors demonstrate their koboh (invincibility), which makes them impervious to attacks from swords, spears and bullets. War dances are performed by men although the women folk participate as well to some extent. Successful warriors returning from a raid or battle go through a series of post-war rituals. A warrior performs the war dance with the skull of the slain enemy hung over his shoulder attached to a sandangon, a bunch of dried hisad or silad leaves bound together with other appendages; pieces of cloth, bells, shells, animal bones and teeth. The women form a circle around the warrior and move in a certain manner to the rhythm of the botibas. The toburi, a war horn fashioned out of bamboo is blown. This time, the botibas celebrates the valour and victory of the warriors.

On the other hand, the act of ‘dancing’ the heads of the enemies, is an act put together to mock and ridicule the losing village. The dusuns living at the upper reaches of the Moyog river upon hearing the pulsating sound of the botibas echoing in the hills, prepare the whole village for impending attacks or raids by the dusun tribes of the plains. It somehow became a tool of provocation and intimidation.

Not too long ago, it was common to hear the botibas during funerals. After burial has been completed, the non-stop dunsai finally ceases. The botibas is then played as a sign of farewell and respect to the deceased and followed by a round of magagung sumazau. The sounding of the botibas and magagung sumazau after burial is to appease the spirit of the deceased and the spirit inhabitants of the grave in ensuring the safety of the party leaving the site so no disaster may befall upon them.  It is sometimes called Papasazau do Hozop, which literally means, to dance ghosts. While a funeral procession moves on foot to the prepared grave site, the botibas will at times be sounded beside the dunsai. The sound of the botibas is believed to frighten evil spirits away from interfering in the ceremony. Leading the entourage is a person wielding a gayang whilst irregular shrieks and shouts of the pangkis pierces through the sound of resonating gongs. Services of local funeral parlours in Penampang include funerary gong performances upon requests of the bereaved. However, players are only familiar with the dunsai and magagung sumazau. Dusun youths therefore lack an exposure to the botibas. Most are not even aware of its existence. The botibas is only confined to the lowland dusuns whilst is non existent in Ulu Papar. The same is for dunsai.

It is evident in Penampang today that the botibas has lost its appeal as it is impossible to see war dances or mikuntau during festive occasions such as weddings. War dances can be a form of entertainment to guests. However, in districts such as Papar and Kota Marudu, it is common to hear the Tagunggu and the Momiluk respectively, gong music with similar functions to botibas are especially highlights on weddings and other private events.

According to my father, as he was told by his late father and other senior folks who have since passed on, the British discouraged the Putatan-Penampang dusuns from sounding the botibas. The colonialist probably saw botibas, essentially a call to arms and to rebel, which would not go along with the company’s plans. With the advent of Christianity in Penampang in 1886 and the conversion of natives to the new faith may have changed the way dusuns’ view their adat. The chain of events may have been the reasons that deterred the survival of the botibas. There is this taboo that surrounds the botibas. Was this the dusuns’ rejection of all things linked to a regrettable past? Why is the botibas rarely peformed in public nowadays?

There was a rumour of an attempt made in the 1980s by certain groups, to revive the botibas in an event highlighting the botibas’ cultural heritage. The supposed event was held at the Tun Fuad multipurpose hall near Donggongon town. It is not known what actually transpired in the event or if the occasion did in fact take place. In the 1960s and 1970s, brawls during weddings and festive occasions in Penampang became too common. The botibas further spurred ego-driven alcohol induced men into fights. There were incidents of men running amok in Donggongon town after hearing the botibas. Repressed anger? Whether true or not, some saw this as a negative impact of the botibas. A native chief at that time suggested for the banning of botibas during festivals. Sad, the music had to take the blame.

The botibas is a creation of the dusun people from the district of Penampang who now are called kadazan. Not many know of botibas or speak of it. Those who do will remain silent and when eventually it will be forgotten and obliterated by the passing time. The botibas is still remembered by some and performed in villages albeit very rare. Only a handful of people are proficient in botibas yet the art is not passed down to the younger generation. The obscure botibas is a cultural gem and symbol of the old fighting spirit waiting to be reignited and rejuvenated. Since its inception, the botibas could indeed have left a trail of violence and madness.

Informants: Christanilus Mosiun, Florence Sipining, George Doivin, John Mansul, Dousia Moujing, Sitaip, Ambusan, J. Mopinggal, Clara Motuyang, Basil and Majiah.

• Kuntau/ Batambul – forms of martial arts
• Magagung – Gong music
• Dunsai – Funeral gong music
• Gayang/ Ilang – types of swords
• Mikuntau – performing kuntau
• Badi – native market
• Tangara/ Bangkaakon – the 2 main native organization of Putatan-Penampang dusuns
• Tibas – to hack or slash
• Tandus – spear
• Kohid – wooden shield
• Toburi – war trumpets fashioned out of bamboo or conch shell
• Pangazou – a person who seeks glory/ warrior
• Pangkis – war cry
• Moyog – the headwaters of the Putatan river in Penampang
• Kadazan – general label for dusuns in Putatan-Penampang up to Kimanis/ coastal dusun

Article by Henry Joplin Mosiun

My grandmother lived in a longhouse at Bosi in the village of Maang which was formerly called Marang. Bahi was the headman of Marang, a village under the jurisdiction of the Putatan Sub-District in 1884. My grandmother was born in 1920 more or less. At a very young age, she was taught to recite the inait (incantations). Along with other young girls, they were being groomed to become bobohizans (medium and healer). This however was short-lived. In the 1930s, when christianity gained a foothold in Penampang, my grandmother’s family decided to embrace christianity. The more than 40 human skulls that hung from the rafters of the longhouse were finally taken down, and buried at the village graveyard situated on Ponontogon hill. Other families in Maang too had brought theirs to be buried at the same location e.g. skulls, weapons and objects used by woman healers and spiritualists.

The longhouse at Bosi (Pungiton) was at last demolished. My grandmother and her family moved to their new home over at Pahas. Dinagam, her paternal uncle later built his house at Bosi. The fast fading dusun communal longhouses on the coast has lost its true meaning as means of protection. Dusuns were in favour of the raised single unit malay-styled house. The longhouse at Bosi had stood there since the early 19^th century; and its non-permanent structure must have undergone countless repair works throughout decades.

Now the head of the longhouse at that time was Tizung. Though his origins are forgotten, he is remembered in stories as a leader who led a group of warriors. However, Tizung’s fame is overshadowed by the notoriety of the dreaded Tuguk. Like Tizung, Tuguk too had his own followers, a band of headhunters who terrorised Marang and the surrounding nearby villages, such as Sugud and Memboo (Tombovo). It is said the warriors of Marang banded together with warriors of nearby villages to fight Tuguk and his small army of ruthless headhunters. A battle ensued and Tuguk and his followers were finally subdued. Many died except Tuguk who escaped injured with an open wound inflicted by a spear. The unwary Tuguk attempted to cover his tracks, left a trail of blood which led Tizung’s men to him.

Tuguk had hid in a cave not far away from Bosi, close to Pungiton. Cornered and weak, the warriors killed Tuguk. The cave has since been known as “Luak do Tuguk”. Bosi is now the site of the Maang christian cemetary adjacent to the Maang Apartments along the Pan-Borneo Highway/ Old Penampang-Papar Road.

• Bobohizan – dusun woman spiritualists and healers, medium or shaman
• Inait – incantations or prayers of the bobohizan
• Bosi, Pahas & Pungiton – sub-divisions of Maang
• Maang, Sugud and Tombovo – villages within the district of Penampang, Sabah
• Marang and Memboo – former names of Maang and Tombovo
• Luak do Tuguk – cave of Tuguk

Sources

Informants: Clara Motuyang, Odu Lucia and Ferix Ignatius.

Articles:

• Short articles on the history & background of Maang, as told by Martin Midi, exhibited during the 2006 Maang Protest.
• Dalrymple, S. E. (1885). Report on the Putatan sub-district: for the eight months ended 31st December, 1884. North Borneo: Govt. Printer.